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The Uses of Pessimism
by Roger Scruton
Oxford University Press, 2010

Reviewed by María G. Navarro

The thesis put forward by the British philosopher, Roger Scruton (born 1944) in The Uses of Pessimism seems simple: false hope together with an optimism that is unfounded and unscrupulous are the cause of the most harmful conflicts of our times. Political conflicts, institutional and financial crises, unjustified pedagogic notions, non-consensual town planning, etc., are some of the issues that the author analyses with the help of specific historical examples.
Before referring to some of these issues, I shall describe the scheme of reasoning Scruton uses to put this book together.
The Uses of Pessimism is divided into twelve chapters, seven of which are devoted to analysing different fallacies. In this work the author analyses arguments he considers to be fallacies. This fact is important as the book’s chapters explicitly enumerate all the fallacies Scruton refers to in the book: The First-Person Future; The Best Case Fallacy; The Born Free Fallacy; The Utopian Fallacy; The Zero Sum Fallacy; The Planning Fallacy; The Moving Spirit Fallacy, and The Aggregation Fallacy.
It is important to stress that Scruton does not refer to these arguments as paralogisms, nor as sophisms. At a propositional level a fallacy corresponds to a false and widespread opinion that may often be accompanied by an invalid argument usually presented as though it were correct. The differences between fallacy, paralogism and sophism may be ones of degree, but even so it is useful to remember them for the purposes of understanding why Scruton prefers to use the term “fallacious” to describe certain propositions that are shared by a great many people, and whose political, economic, educational and cultural effects this book analyses.
In contrast to a fallacious opinion and/or argument, a paralogism is an incorrect argument that we sometimes hold to be true for the simple reason that it resembles another valid form of inference. A ‘paralogism’ is an error made without a bad intention and shows only a lack of skill in matters of inference and argument. The term ‘sophism’, however, is used to describe a stratagem whereby one attempts to prove something with the intention to deceive or, if necessary, to confuse.
In spite of these differences relating to good or bad intentions on the part of the arguer, the term ‘fallacy’ may be used in a generic way to describe all variants of paralogisms and sophisms. The Uses of Pessimism is an innovative book from the standpoint of the study of fallacies because it presents and analyses very widespread fallacious assertions that are, nevertheless, not usually found among the fallacies generally noted.
According to Aristotle’s Sophistical Refutations, a fallacious argument is one that seems to be valid or correct but is not. The seven fallacious arguments that Scruton analyses correspond, in my opinion, to what the philosophy of language tradition has called ‘informal fallacy’. There are formal fallacies and informal fallacies. A formal fallacy usually corresponds to a deductive argument whose conclusion does not follow logically from its premises, although it may appear to do so at first sight because, in some respect, it evokes a pattern of conclusive logical deduction. But we use the term ‘informal fallacy’ to describe discourses which have some kind of flaw in their argumentational construction. The latter fallacies, the ‘informal fallacies’, have aroused much interest since the last century. They are characterised either by making illegitimate use of some rule of argumentational interaction, or by employing discursive resources in an abusive way.
The seven fallacies that Scruton presents are informal fallacies. In analysing them, the author offers a detailed x-ray of the political life of our times, which may be addressed from two essentially opposed positions or attitudes: the ‘I’ attitude and the ‘we’ attitude.
There is a relation of reciprocity between, on the one hand, these two vital intellectual and emotional attitudes and, on the other, the tendency to make use of and trust in the informal fallacies to which Scruton refers. This relation is essential for adequately appreciating the argumentational force of a book whose discursive structure stems from the harmony it establishes between these two goals: on the one hand, an analysis of fallacious discourse and, on the other, an analysis of the emotional, cultural and even political dimensions that make some people fall inevitably into using these fallacies...
These two attitudes (the ‘we’ attitude and the ‘I’ attitude) govern public life and are rooted in the deepest part of each of us, although their effects ultimately show up in the way we live collectively. Roger Scruton thinks that “the ‘we’ attitude recognizes limits and constraints, boundaries that we cannot transgress and that create the frame that gives meaning to our hopes (…) is prepared to renounce its purposes, however precious, for the sake of the long-term benefits of love and friendship. It takes a negotiating posture towards the other, and seeks to share not goals but constraints. It is finite in ambition and easily deflected; and it is prepared to trade increases in power and scope for the more rewarding goods of social affection” (pp. 16-17).
On the other hand, “this ‘I’ attitude is implanted deep in the psyche. The ‘I’ reaches out to the future and asserts its prerogative. It is infinite in ambition and recognizes no limits, but only obstacles. In emergencies the ‘I’ takes command, and seizes whatever can enhance its power or amplify its scope.” (p. 15). The author insists on the following: “Although freedom is an exercise of the ‘I’, it comes into being through the ‘we’; it cannot be assumed that people will still achieve freedom in a world where the ‘we’ is merely imagined and relationships and attachments no longer exist” (p. 14).
The informal fallacies explored in The Uses of Pessimism and the Danger of False Hope make it clear that “the dispute between the unscrupulous optimists and the dystopians will not disappear, but will be endlessly renewed as new futures occur to the one, and a renewed past detains the other”. (p. 18).
The Best Case fallacy describes the mindset attitude of the gambler. The reason why the gamblers “have estimated the best case, the case in which their fortune has been secured by their master-throw of the dice” (p. 23) is because “they are not risk-taken at all; they enter the game in full expectation of winning” (p. 23). The author considers that the effects of the best case fallacy can be seen in the Community Reinvestment Act, which was signed into law by Jimmy Carter, the president of the USA, in 1977. This law obliged the banks to offer mortgages to low-paid people to enable them to purchase a home, discarding the usual lending procedures. This was an example of optimism that caters to the best possible option: the American dream forced the most disadvantaged groups into becoming home owners. The final outcome was a growing scale of accumulated debts, which led to the mortgage crisis of 2008.
In my opinion, it may be more appropriate to classify the best case fallacy as a methodological fallacy, rather than an informal one. Methodological fallacies are related to interpretations of statistical and even probabilistic estimates concerning the political and social world. Methodological fallacies are linked to cognitive bias and are thus reinforced by many factors. In a way, because it acts as a trigger for other cognitive biases, the methodological fallacy itself represents a bias in cognition.
A very fine line separates informal fallacies from methodological fallacies, as both are concerned with the construction of discourses. The Born Free Fallacy arises in theoretical scenarios such as those described by Rousseau in The Social Contract, according to which “freedom is what is left when we take all institutions, all restraints, all laws and all hierarchies away” (p. 42), or in doctrines such as those defended in the Plowden Report, one of the foundations of the United Kingdom’s education policy, according to which “no party to the teaching process (neither pupil nor parent nor teacher) is to blame for its failure” (p. 53). In short, Roger Scruton believes the Born Free Fallacy consists in thinking that human beings can and should be born free, which dismisses the idea that “freedom is something we acquire” (p. 50).
The Utopian Fallacy is perhaps one of the methodological fallacies that most dominated the thinking of the last century – indeed, to such an extent that authors such as Aurel Kolnai say “the utopian mind is the central mystery of our times” (p. 63). Utopia is fallacious because it “is conceived as a unity of being, in which conflicts do not exist because the conditions that create them are no longer in place” (p. 66). This basic discursive feature, present in every utopia, has two consequences. The first is that no utopia is de facto attainable. The second is that every fallacious utopia leads, in the first place, to the division of human beings and subsequently to the destruction of hope in those people considered enemies of that utopia.
Although this is not stated explicitly, the Zero Sum Fallacy is one of the most important fallacies described in the book. This fallacy has been much in evidence in relations between the developer and the developing World. “When committed optimists are faced with failure (…) a process of compensation begins, designed to save the Project by finding the person, the class or the clique that has thwarted it. And this person, class or clique is marked out for condemnation by the signs of success. If I have failed it is because another has succeeded” (p. 80). According to Scruton, this fallacy governs approaches to ‘third worldism’ in which “the former colonies of the European powers need only to be liberated form the post-colonial relations of dependence, and provided with a large injection of capital in compensation” (p. 83). This fallacious approach to international politics results in a great number of transferable grievances and resentments as part of the emergence of a wholly novel idea of justice “that has little or nothing to do with right, desert, reward or retribution, and which is effectively detached from the actions and responsibilities of individuals” (p. 94).
The Planning Fallacy consists of believing that we can advance collectively towards our goals by adopting a common plan. Thus it may be said that “it is the fallacy of believing that societies can be organized as armies are organized, with a top-down system of commands and a bottom-up system of accountability, ensuring the successful coordination of the many around a plan devised by the few” (p. 98). Scruton presents this fallacy using the arguments of the economists Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek in relation to the calculation debate generated by them in response to socialist proposals for a centrally planned economy. But he also analyses the fallacy in its relation to legislation on Member States urged by the EU.
Perhaps the Moving Spirit Fallacy could be understood as a specific case of the Planning Fallacy. The author declares his admiration for Hegel when the latter conceives of freedom not as a natural gift but as an artefact that we construct together through our shared social membership. However, Scruton attributes to Hegel one of the most profound influences “on the incautious enthusiasms that have turned our world upside down in the last century” (p. 128), because Hegel thinks that history presents a continuous development towards full self-consciousness and that each successive period of history exhibits a stage in the spiritual development of mankind. This fallacy reveals itself as a method for making sense of the past to the present and the future, and is aggravated by the myth of progress. Scruton discusses the effects of this fallacy on aesthetic theories and, particularly, in relation to architecture and town planning – subjects on which he has written extensively.
An example of the Aggregation Fallacy might be the revolutionary slogan Liberté, égalité, fraternité. The methodological fallacy Scruton presents under this name consists of this: that our desire for good things may come to cancel out “any attempt to understand the connections between them” (p. 154).
The Uses of Pessimism and the Danger of False Hope rigorously points out the fallacies that prevent the emergence in civil society of a kind of collective rationality that does not belong to a leader and whatever plans he happens to have, but is rather the “we” rationality within a community of negotiation and consensus. Authors such as Ray Kurzweil, Max More or Eric Drexler believe there could be a future in which people are stored like information and that the human being, a sort of tabula rasa, may have to deal with a new kind of freedom. As against the transhumanists, who consider human nature to be changing, Roger Scruton reminds us that these hopes ought not to stop us reflecting again and again upon ourselves, since we are creatures who are capable of negotiating while we observe our condition with irony and seek a way of living in peace.

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